The process of appointing European commissioners is nearly complete, and with the inauguration of the new Commission, the European Union enters a critical phase. The appointments, creation of new portfolios, and assignment of responsibilities provide an opportunity to analyze the “political geography” of the new Commission, highlighting both the strategic orientation and key challenges that Europe will face in the coming years.
The European Commission is one of the main bodies of the European Union, tasked with promoting integration and safeguarding the general interests of the EU. With executive, legislative, and representative powers, the Commission acts as the Union’s “engine,” proposing laws and ensuring compliance with common regulations. Its supranational structure distinguishes it from other European institutions, as it operates independently and does not represent individual countries or national interests.[1]
Among its primary powers are legislative initiative, managing the EU budget, overseeing common policies, and serving as the “guardian of the treaties.”[2] [3] Additionally, the Commission is responsible for the Union’s external relations, negotiating international agreements in close collaboration with the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.[4]
The Commissioners
In this analysis, we have chosen to summarize the powers of the Commission to focus on its new composition and the appointment process, during which commissioner candidates must demonstrate the required impartiality and independence. This process began after the summer, with candidate hearings held from November 4 to 12, though the vice-presidential hearings have been interrupted and postponed to an unspecified date. The European Parliament’s approval vote is scheduled for November 25-28, and if successful, the official inauguration will take place on December 1. These steps not only serve to confirm the suitability of the commissioners but also represent a moment of transparency and democratic legitimacy for the Union.[5]
In the final days of hearings, a moment of political tension arose that threatened to jeopardize the entire approval process. At the center of the dispute was the so-called “mutual veto” between two key candidates: Teresa Ribera, proposed as Vice President for the Green Deal, and Raffaele Fitto, nominated for the management of European Funds and Cohesion Policy.
The friction stemmed from strong political and ideological differences between the parliamentary groups supporting the respective designated commissioners. Some Members of the European Parliament raised concerns about the suitability of the two candidates, criticizing Ribera for the rigidity of her positions on environmental policies, considered by some to be overly ambitious and divisive, and Fitto for alleged conflicts of interest related to his past management of European funds in Italy. This clash led to a stalemate, with the concrete risk that the Parliament could oppose the approval of the entire Commission if either candidate were excluded.
The situation required delicate diplomatic work behind the scenes, both among parliamentary groups and between Member States, to avoid an institutional crisis. The decision to postpone the hearings for the vice presidents, including Ribera’s, was crucial to gain time, defuse tensions, and find a workable compromise.
In the final days of the hearings, a moment of political tension arose, threatening to derail the entire approval process. At the center of the dispute was the so-called “mutual veto” between two key candidates: Teresa Ribera, proposed as Vice President in charge of the Green Deal, and Raffaele Fitto, nominated to manage European Funds and Cohesion. The tension within the EU, which led to a deadlock of several days in the parliamentary approval of the new Commission, stems from both the new political balances in the European Parliament and the enduring tendency of national parties to exploit European dynamics for domestic gains. This time, the trigger was pulled by Iberian politicians, specifically the heated controversy in Spain concerning accountability for the devastating flood in Valencia, which claimed the lives of 200 people. During her hearing, Ribera faced a barrage of questions, and the EPP requested that the vote on the commissioner-designate be postponed until after her report to the Spanish Cortes on the tragedy that struck the Valencian Community.
In response, the European Socialists decided to replicate the same tactic against the Italian commissioner-designate, Raffaele Fitto. This resulted in a genuine “Mexican standoff,” with the two largest parliamentary groups falling victim to mutual vetoes. The situation was resolved shortly before the vote, which ultimately gave the green light to the second von der Leyen Commission, approved with 370 votes in favor, 282 against, and 36 abstentions.
This approval represents a reduced numerical consensus for von der Leyen compared to the expectations following the European elections. The vote highlights the impact of skepticism and deadlocks surrounding some commissioner candidates. At the same time, it is worth noting the favorable vote from the European Parliament members of Fratelli d’Italia, the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. This came after months of skirmishes between the two leaders, especially following statements by Meloni that her party would never be part of a majority alongside Greens and Socialists. The outcome is a clear example of realpolitik, demonstrating that both the President of the Commission and the Italian Prime Minister will inevitably need to collaborate for European stability. This is especially crucial during a complex historical moment that leaves little room for ideological vetoes or personal antagonisms.
The impartiality and independence of commissioners are essential principles. The Treaties require that each commissioner be chosen from among highly competent individuals, without ties to governments or national interests. Each candidate is proposed by member states, while the Commission President is selected by the Council based on the balance resulting from European elections and subsequently confirmed by Parliament. Once the list of commissioners is approved, the Committee on Legal Affairs verifies the absence of conflicts of interest for each candidate, after which commissioners undergo public hearings before the relevant committees. This process, regulated by Article 129 of the European Parliament’s Rules of Procedure and derived from parliamentary self-regulation, is fundamental for the autonomy of the EU. In cases of negative evaluations, as occurred for candidates like Rocco Buttiglione in 2004 (Barroso Commission I) and Sylvie Goulard in 2019 (von der Leyen Commission I), the member state must propose a new candidate.[6] The hearings conclude with a collective assessment by political coordinators and the Commission President, after which the European Parliament approves or rejects the entire board through a collective vote. With subsequent formalization by the European Council via reinforced qualified majority, the new Commission is ready to take office, traditionally on December 1.
The 2024-2029 European Commission
Once the appointment procedure is complete, the new European Commission will be composed of: President Ursula von der Leyen, 6 vice presidents (including the High Representative and 5 executive vice presidents), and 20 additional commissioners. The executive vice presidencies, introduced for the first time in the von der Leyen Commission I (2019–2024), are assigned to commissioners who, in addition to managing a specific portfolio, are responsible for coordinating the main political priorities of the European Union. The executive vice presidencies thus enable the supervision and harmonization of complex areas, ensuring coherence in policies addressing cross-cutting and central issues for the Union.[7]
Each executive vice president has a dual role: managing an operational portfolio and acting as a leader for the Union’s political priorities, facilitating collaboration among the Commission’s various portfolios. This structure aims to strengthen the Commission’s decision-making capacity while ensuring greater coordination on particularly relevant issues such as the Green Deal, digital transition, or economic and social cohesion.
Let’s look specifically at the incoming executive vice presidents:the most talked-about appointment in Italy is undoubtedly that of Raffaele Fitto, former Minister for Cohesion Policy and the PNRR in the Meloni Government, who will assume one of the Executive Vice Presidencies with the portfolio for Cohesion and Reforms. This significant role involves overseeing economic and social cohesion policies, which are essential in combating inequalities across European regions. Fitto’s responsibilities include oversight of European funds, particularly those allocated for the post-pandemic economic recovery plan NextGenerationEU, and promoting structural reforms within member states to enhance the Union’s competitiveness and resilience. In this role, Fitto will coordinate not only cohesion-related policies but also the interaction among various portfolios linked to this area, in line with the European Commission’s political priorities. The prestige of this position granted to the Fratelli d’Italia member also serves to ease past tensions between Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Ursula von der Leyen, with Italy finding some consolation in securing a prominent executive vice-presidency, allowing it to return to the center of the new Commission’s policies.[8]
Teresa Ribera Rodríguez (Spain), former vice president of the Spanish Government where she also held the Ministry of Ecological Transition, will serve as Executive Vice President for a Clean, Fair, and Competitive Transition. Leading the Competition portfolio, Ribera will guide policies to achieve Green Deal objectives, coordinating the Clean Industrial Deal in collaboration with the Executive Vice President for Prosperity and Industrial Strategy.[9] She will work closely with the Commissioners for Energy, Climate, and Environment to reduce energy prices, eliminate dependence on fossil fuels, and promote a fair and social transition by integrating the environment-health nexus into all EU policies.[10]
Henna Virkkunen (Finland) will be Executive Vice President for Technological Sovereignty, Security, and Democracy, responsible for the Digital and Frontier Technologies portfolio. Virkkunen will lead efforts to strengthen operational capacities for border management and implement the new Asylum and Migration Pact, which will come into effect in 2026. She will also be responsible for enhancing internal security, intensifying efforts against organized crime, and promoting European defense, including the development of a single market for defense goods and services.[11]
Stéphane Séjourné (France) will be Executive Vice President for Prosperity and Industrial Strategy, with the portfolio of Industry, SMEs, and the Single Market. He will lead the new EU industrial strategy, aiming to simplify investments and coordinate competitiveness policies. He will be responsible for innovation and research in strategic sectors such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing and, together with the Commissioner for the Economy, will support economic stability and innovative projects. He will also contribute to customs reform and the implementation of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism.[12]
Roxana Minzatu (Romania) will be Executive Vice President for People, Skills, and Readiness, tasked with strengthening European human capital through education, culture, and sports. She will coordinate work on the European Pillar of Social Rights and training, promoting the use of technology and innovation to enhance work skills. Additionally, Minzatu will guide the Union toward a fairer social model and a culture of preparedness, fostering inclusion and equality.[13] Kaja Kallas (Estonia) has been appointed High Representative for the EU’s Foreign and Security Policy, a highly significant role that she has earned through her experience and firmness in foreign policy. Former Prime Minister of Estonia, Kallas has gained respect as a clear and determined leader, becoming one of the primary advocates for Ukraine against Russian aggression. This position tasks her with strengthening European security and defense, supporting Ukraine, and building a more strategic and unified foreign policy. Her priorities include creating a European Defense Union, developing a Middle East Strategy and a new Mediterranean Pact, and strengthening ties with G7 countries, Africa, and the Indo-Pacific. Kallas will also focus on modernizing foreign policy, supporting multilateralism, and promoting qualified majority voting for foreign policy decisions.[14]
Given the importance of the role, it is worth mentioning Latvian Valdis Dombrovskis, who has held numerous significant European positions and will serve as Commissioner for Economy and Productivity, Implementation, and Simplification. He will work under the supervision of Executive Vice President for Prosperity and Industrial Strategy Stéphane Séjourné and report directly to President von der Leyen on implementation and simplification. Dombrovskis will ensure greater coordination between EU and national policies through the European Semester and the EU’s long-term budget, aiming to support the Union’s decarbonization and economic competitiveness while also ensuring social equity. He will work closely with the President to align reforms and strategic investments, thereby contributing to the EU’s goals of prosperity, sustainability, and strengthening the social market economy.[15]
Compared to the outgoing Commission, a reorganization of responsibilities is planned with the introduction of three new Commissioner roles: for Defense and Space, for the Mediterranean, and for Fisheries and Oceans. The most notable addition is the role of Commissioner for Defense and Space, assigned to Andrius Kubilius (Lithuania), marking a completely new portfolio for the European Commission. Kubilius will work under the supervision of Executive Vice President for Technological Sovereignty, Security, and Democracy, Henna Virkkunen, and will collaborate with High Representative Kaja Kallas to consolidate existing initiatives and build a true European Defense Union.[16]
Final Considerations
With the inauguration of the new European Commission, it is hard to overlook a growing shift of European power dynamics towards the East. Particularly in foreign and defense policy appointments, it is evident that the High Representative, Kallas, and the Commissioner for Defense and Space, Kubilius, come from countries that feel the weight of Russian influence on their borders. This underscores Brussels’ perception of the most significant international threat. A marked shift in the Union’s geopolitical balance toward Eastern Europe is observable. The appointment of Kaja Kallas as High Representative, together with the new Commissioner for Defense and Space Andrius Kubilius and Executive Vice President Roxana Minzatu for People, Skills, and Readiness, reflects a growing recognition of Eastern Europe’s role in EU political dynamics. This “shift to the East” represents a strategic move, as Eastern European countries demonstrate a fundamental commitment to supporting Ukraine against Russian aggression, a priority resonating with the Union’s values of security and stability.
In particular, Kallas, previously considered for the NATO leadership before Mark Rutte’s appointment, underscores the EU’s aim to pursue a more assertive and independent foreign policy, increasingly focused on addressing global and regional challenges through enhanced European coordination. Similarly, the presence of Kubilius and Minzatu in vice-presidential roles indicates a greater focus from the Commission on defense, social resilience, and inclusion—key to addressing the challenges arising at the Union’s eastern borders.
In this article, we focused on appointments that highlight a renewed European Commission structure and acknowledge the shifting balances that are reshaping the Union. However, it remains to be seen if these choices will be sufficient to transform the EU into a more cohesive and responsive entity, truly ready to face international challenges with greater unity. Appointments alone represent a statement of intent; a concrete shift by member states will be necessary to turn this political will into a truly united and incisive European action. Only a collective and consistent commitment can ensure that the promises inherent in this new Commission structure materialize in an increased capacity to respond to global challenges.
Note
[1] “Treaty on the European Union,” Art. 17, para. 1, in the Treaty of Lisbon, 2007.
[2] “Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union”, Art. 258, in the Treaty of Lisbon, 2007.
[3] ivi, Art. 260.
[4] “Treaty on the European Union,” Art. 17, para. 1, in Treaty of Lisbon, 2007.
[5] The European Commission’s formation process 2024 – 2029. Documentation for the Commissions, Activities of the European Union, N. 92, Senate of the Republic, Studies Service and International Affairs Service, Office of Relations with the Institutions of the European Union, Chamber of Deputies, Office Relations with the European Union, 27 September 2024, p 1.
[6] ivi, p 4.
[7] ivi, p 5.
[8] Matthew Strupczewski, Italy Selects Key Player for Europe’s Future, Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), 16 September 2024, https://cepa.org/article/italy-selects-key-player-for-europes-future/.
[9] The European Green Deal is a European Commission strategy to make the EU a sustainable and carbon-neutral economy by 2050, covering sectors such as climate, energy, transport, and agriculture. The Clean Industrial Deal, part of the Green Deal, aims to make the European industry competitive at net zero emissions, supporting the green transition with simplified regulations, access to financing, skills strengthening and sustainable supply chains.
[10] The European Commission’s formation process 2024 – 2029, cit pp 12-13.
[11] ivi, pp 13-14.
[12] ivi, pp 15-16.
[13] ivi, pp 18-20.
[14] ivi, pp 16-18.
[15] ivi, pp 25-28.
[16] ivi, pp 33-35.
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